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The Independent: 22 August 2001

FIJI: BABA CASHES IN ON RUGBY CELEBRITY, HOTDOGS AND HOPE

Some pundits believe Fiji's general election next week will be a contest between a new "united" indigenous Fijian party led by unelected banker Laisenia Qarase and the multiracial Labour Party deposed in last year's attempted coup. Others see the rise of a popular Fijian academic and his breakaway New Labour as a "moderate" compromise.

By DAVID ROBIE in Suva



Pictured: Dr Tupeni Baba - "We don't share the viedw of the ethno-nationalists."
Photo: Wansolwara Online (USP)

DEPOSED prime minister Mahendra Chaudhry's chief deputy has shed his stuffy academic image and joined forces with a Fijian rugby hero in a bold bid to wrest power in the country's vital post-coup election.

As the election campaign reached fever pitch, Dr Tupeni Baba's breakaway New Labour Unity Party has been riding a wave of support from young and middle-aged voters as it projects an appealing "moderate" image in this complex Pacific nation.

A former education professor at the Suva-based regional University of the South Pacific, Baba has gained national popularity with controversial television advertisements featuring him with Waisale Serevi, a celebrity because of his jinxing runs that steered Fiji to international dominance for many years in the seven-a-side rugby code (until it was unseated by New Zealand).

An attempt by Fiji Rugby Football Union officials to black out the political advertisement by "banning" the country's sole television station, Fiji One, backfired.

Officials were angry with Serevi wearing the white national jersey which bears the logos of the sponsors, British multinational telephone company Vodafone and New Zealand sportswear manufacturer Canterbury.

However, the NLUP was given a boost of free national publicity in an election being contested by a record 18 political parties.

At a recent launching of Baba's party campaign, which endorses reformist policies favouring the country's canefarmers, labourers, garment workers and skilled youth - people battered by economic hardship since the attempted coup on May 19 last year, Serevi, pop singers and hotdog giveaways charmed the biggest ever crowd for a political gathering.

Baba believes it is time for politics of moderation in Fiji. He wants to promote justice and "build bridges" between communities, and his economic polices include abolition of income tax for low-earners on less than $10,000 a year, about a third of the workforce.

"We don't share the view of ethno nationalist groups who believe in the politics of exclusion - of supremacy of one group over the others, or of confrontation or extremism," he said.

Declaring that he was not paid anything for the the NLUP advertisement, Serevi quipped: "Every winning team needs a good captain - and Fiji needs Dr Baba."

The Baba party launch's carnival mood was remarkable in the face of widespread voter cynicism and apathy following last year's crisis when rogue businessman George Speight and seven renegade special forces soldiers stormed Parliament and seized the elected government members, holding them hostage for 56 days.

Speight and 12 of his alleged henchmen are currently awaiting trial for treason on a tropical islet, Nukulau, just off the coast of the capital Suva. The trial date is also due to be set next week, the day before counting begins.

However, a series of legal delays and a reluctance by many leading figures in the country's indigenous Fijian establishment to press the prosecution case with vigour has left many in the country disenchanted over national institutions.

Official ambivalence over Speight was underlined when a lower court ruled that he could be freed for an hour to nominate for the elections because of a loophole in the Constitution, which says that only those actually convicted of a crime are unable to stand.

One newspaper, the government-owned Daily Post, bitterly condemned the Elections Office for "pussyfooting" by allowing Speight and two of his accomplices, a nationalist chief, Ratu Timoci Silatolu, and a former major in the British SAS, Ilisoni Ligairi, to contest seats where they can expect to poll strongly.

"It is no secret the three were the visible ringleaders of the uprising which started on May 19 last year. In the eyes of the majority of the people of Fiji, and indeed some members of the global village, the three are already guilty as charged," the paper said.

"The letter of the law dictates that we go through the motions of the legal technicalities. Everyone knows that. But it is also important that the spirit of the law be adhered to."

Even if they were elected, they would lose their seats in byelections because they will not be freed from their island prison while facing trial. Byelections, assuming all three would win their communal seats in staunchly nationalist constituencies, as is likely, could mean a further election bill of more than $150,000.

Prison officials are adamant that they would not be allowed off their prison isle to attend Parliament: "They won't even be allowed to be brought to Parliament to be sworn in if they win their seats," said one senior official.

Fijians, of mixed Polynesian-Melanesian origin, make up about 51 per cent of country's 830,000 population; 46 per cent are ethnic Indians, mostly descendants of indentured labourers brought in by the British colonial administration last century.

Baba, an indigenous Fijian intellectual who was also incarcerated in Parliament at the hands of the gunmen along with his leader Chaudhry, the country's first Indo-Fijian prime minister, has emerged as a potential national leader.

Previously, as foreign minister and senior deputy prime minister, Baba had been overshadowed by Chaudhry.

But growing tensions between the two came to a head after a Court of Appeal ruled in March that the regime of caretaker Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase was illegal.

Baba made an abortive bid to have Parliament recalled and be sworn in as compromise prime minister. Instead, the President, Ratu Josefa Iloilo, retained Qarase, citing the need for stability until the elections.

Baba's message of reconciliation between the bitterly divided indigenous sectoral and political interests, and also with Indo-Fijians, has been perceived as sincere by many pundits while unelected banker Qarase's cabinet has been regarded by many as political opportunists. He has pledged to revitalise the economy and to boost tourism.

While Fiji's conflict was projected internationally as one based on assertion of indigenous rights against a government perceived to be Indian-dominated (in fact the Indo-Fijian ministers were a minority), the real causes were rooted in rivalries in the traditional chiefly confederacy system. There had been long simmering resentment in the traditional Kubuna confederacy heartland of Naitisiri and Rewa against dominance by the eastern chiefs of Tovata, represented by deposed President Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara.

Qarase's caretaker administration is trying to retain power at the ballot box through his Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL), or United Fijian Party. However, Fijian political aspirations are more divided today than at any time since independence in 1970.

Revelations that Qarase's government in barely one year in office had become the largest and most expensive cabinet in the country's history has fuelled discontent. Its salaries bill cost almost NZ$3 million at a time when the number of Fiji Islanders reported to be living below the poverty line has soared from 25 percent in 1991, according to the Fiji Poverty Report, to an unofficial estimate of 40 percent.

Although Qarase's ministers later forfeited their double salaries under public pressure, assistant minister Adi Finau Tabakaucoro snapped: "There was nothing at all about morals and ethics in that decision. To me, it was political ass-covering at its best."

Adi Kuini Vuikaba Speed, the widow of the country's first Labour prime minister, Dr Timoci Bavadra, who was deposed in a military coup in 1987, said: "It's outrageous that unelected people who are not accountable to Parliament should be collecting these large sums of taxpayers' money."

Allegations that the Speight coup, widely believed to have been backed by corrupt politicians and businessmen, was timed to prevent a public inquiry into corruption by the Chaudhry-led People's Coalition government have featured in the campaign.

Documents leaked to the Fiji news media revealed that Chaudhry had wanted a probe to begin in June last year into "millions of dollars unaccounted for" in five major projects launched by previous prime minister and coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka, who has been implicated in Speight's putsch.

People implicated in the scandal have been described as a "who's who" of Fiji, including names of prominent politicians, consultants, accountants, civil servants and business executives. But Speight's attempted coup was launched just weeks before the inquiry was due to be carried out.

While many opinion polls cite Baba's NLUP as likely to win the election, others cite a contest between Chaudhry's Fiji Labour Party, which still has massive support among the rural sugarcane belts and urban workers, and Qarase's SDL party, which is trying to capture the fragmented Fijian vote.

Chaudhry points to his proven economic record while he was prime minister. The Fiji economy had never been so strong with government revenue of $1.2 billion for a year and a growth rate of 9.2 percent and almost nil inflation. Qarase's regime had government revenue of just over $1 billion, a negative growth rate of 9.3 percent and inflation at 3 percent.

However, Baba's chances were dented by news media allegations that a Fiji-based Australian conman, Peter Foster, with convictions for a weight-reducing scam in Australia and Britain, had donated up to $200,000 to the NLUP campaign. The party refused to disclose how much it had been given by Foster, who is interesting in developing a tourist resort.

Chaudhry has been dogged by allegations over international funds donated to his cause after the hostage drama. Qarase has also faced accusations over using public funds for his campaign and claims that he personally benefited from a $20 million interest-free loan to Fijian Holdings Ltd, claims that he denied.

His pet Constitutional Reform Commission blew its budget of $600,000 in spite of three times being ordered by the High Court to disband. The commissioners spent an extra $167,000 for their illegal work and one politician said "the rule of the jungle must stop".

A major question is over the loyalty of the Fijian Military Forces, given that the first coups were staged by Rabuka, then-third ranked in the military, and a hand-picked élite force, and soldiers from the now-disbanded Meridian Squadron, or Counter-Revolutionary Warfare Unit, supported Speight. But the high command claims that the 3700 troops will uphold the constitution.

The President recently endorsed a decree granting immunity for the armed forces during security operations. This followed allegations of brutality in suppressing a mutiny last November 2 in which loyalist soldiers were accused of beating to death five captured rebel suspects.

Colonel Sam Pickering, a senior military policy officer, said: "Last year's mutiny following the coup was perhaps a blessing in disguise. It forced us to face up to reality and renew our pledge to the President and the constitution.

  • DAVID ROBIE is a New Zealand journalist and author living in Fiji.

  • Copyright © 2001 David Robie and Asia-Pacific Network. This document is for educational and research use. Please seek permission for publication.


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